F<\/span>ew commentators these days recognize that the war against radical Islam is the latest battle in a 14-century-long spiritual conflict between two very different schools of belief about man\u2019s relationship to God. Catholic theologian and nationally syndicated columnist George Weigel is a happy exception, and this alone makes him an invaluable source for anyone wanting to understand what this war is about. Unlike those who try to comprehend jihadist violence solely in materialist terms, Weigel focuses on the spiritual dimensions of the conflict: on the one side, an Islamic revival fired with certainty about the rectitude of its beliefs and their sanction by Allah; on the other, a West that, having driven God from the public square, is riddled with self-doubt and uncertainty about its own beliefs and political ideals, which the jihadists despise.<\/p>\nIn his previous books, such as\u00a0The Cube and the Cathedral<\/i>\u00a0and\u00a0Faith, Reason, and the War Against Jihadism<\/i>, Weigel has examined the spiritual crisis of the West.\u00a0Against the Grain<\/i>\u00a0collects 12 essays from the last two decades that approach this problem from the standpoint of Catholic theology and social doctrine. The essays, Weigel writes, are \u201cattempts to show how Catholic understandings of the human person and human society, human origins and human destiny \u2014 all of which derive from the basic Christian confession of faith \u2014 can shed light on controverted and urgent questions of public life.\u201d Contrary to the dominant secularist myth that the \u201cAmerican project\u201d banished Christianity from the discussion of political questions, Weigel shows in these elegantly written, meticulously argued pieces that the American political order is incomprehensible\u2014and its problems unsolvable\u2014without that Christian framework.<\/p>\n
The first eight essays explore the limitations of democracy when understood in \u201cfunctionalist or proceduralist terms.\u201d Such a view, Weigel writes, sees freedom as a \u201cmatter of willfulness or choice\u201d and relegates \u201cquestions of personal and public goods\u201d to private life \u2014 a reductive and impoverished perspective contrary to that of the American Founders. In contrast, Weigel recognizes that democracy depends on addressing \u201cquestions of public moral culture and civil society\u201d and on tending to \u201cthe institutions of civil society and their capacity to form genuine democrats.\u201d Catholic social doctrine provides a robust tradition for addressing these questions, but our current fundamentalist secularism seeks to banish religion from what John Courtney Murray called \u201cthe public argument.\u201d Weigel reminds us that we face two urgent challenges, one domestic, the other foreign: a \u201cpragmatic utilitarianism\u201d that banishes such questions to the private sphere, thus leaving them hostage to bureaucratic technicians and the vagaries of political interests; and \u201cpolitical Islamism,\u201d which answers the same questions in ways inimical to the fundamental goal of the American political order.<\/p>\n
Weigel examines the implications that restoring Christian \u2014 and more specifically Catholic \u2014 philosophical and theological perspectives to our political discourse would have in a host of areas, including foreign policy, globalization, the problems of the Third World, the role of faith in politics, abortion, bioethics, the promotion of human rights and democracy abroad, and many others. Weigel\u2019s analysis of political freedom is particularly valuable, for the starting point of all other political disputes is our understanding of liberty.<\/p>\n
Weigel\u2019s essay \u201cTwo Ideas of Freedom\u201d begins by critically examining Isaiah Berlin\u2019s influential notion of \u201cpositive\u201d and \u201cnegative\u201d freedom: the former is the freedom \u201cto,\u201d which allows us to pursue some perceived greater good; the latter is freedom \u201cfrom,\u201d particularly from governmental intrusion into private life and interference in the individual\u2019s pursuit of happiness. But Berlin fails to address \u201cthe crucial question,\u201d Weigel writes, which is \u201cthe truth about man \u2014 the truth about the human person \u2014 on which any defense of human freedom with real traction must ultimately rest.\u201d Thus Berlin\u2019s notion of freedom reduces it \u201cto a matter of one human faculty \u2014 the will \u2014 alone.\u201d<\/p>\n
Pointing out that Berlin\u2019s analysis is rooted in Enlightenment philosophy and ignores earlier thinkers, Weigel revisits pre-Enlightenment thinking in his discussion of William of Ockham and Saint Thomas Aquinas. For Aquinas, freedom \u201cis a means to human excellence, to human happiness, to the fulfillment of human destiny,\u201d Weigel writes. Freedom helps us to \u201cchoose wisely and to act well as a matter of habit.\u201d Only then can we pursue happiness suitable for a rational, moral creature and \u201cbuild free and virtuous societies in which the rights of all are acknowledged, respected, and protected in law.\u201d<\/p>\n
In contrast to Aquinas, Berlin\u2019s intellectual ancestor Ockham reduces freedom to \u201ca neutral faculty of choice, and choice is everything \u2014 for choice is a matter of self-assertion, of power,\u201d Weigel writes. Thus freedom has nothing to do with goodness, truth, or virtue. The moral life is now severed from human nature, and humans are severed from one another, \u201cfor there can be no \u2018common good\u2019 if there are only the particular goods of particular men and women who are each acting out their own particular willfulness.\u201d Moreover, by putting reason into conflict with freedom, Ockham \u201ccreated a situation in which there are only two options: determinisms of a biological, racial, or ideological sort, or the radical relativism\u201d that eventually leads to nihilism. \u201cIn either case,\u201d Weigel believes, \u201cfreedom self-destructs.\u201d<\/p>\n
Weigel traces the consequences of an Ockhamite understanding of freedom shorn from virtue and moral truth, or the \u201cfreedom of indifference\u201d that dominates \u201cmuch of Western high culture.\u201d Advances in genetics and biotechnology entice us with the promise of human engineering for perfection and immortality, while cloning and stem-cell research destroy human embryos in the service of various ends. By ignoring Aquinas\u2019s notion of \u201cfreedom for excellence\u201d we are unlikely \u201cto deploy our new genetic knowledge in ways that lead to human flourishing rather than to the soulless dystopia of the brave new world.\u201d More immediately dangerous is moral relativism, which has been on display throughout the culture in response to the challenge of Islamic jihad; it is an outgrowth of the separation of freedom from moral truth. Meeting the Islamist challenge, Weigel writes, requires not the flabby tolerance or guilty self-loathing engendered by such moral relativism, but rather a patriotism that is the \u201cexpression of a nobler concept of freedom than mere willfulness.\u201d For ultimately, \u201cHomo Voluntatis<\/i>\u00a0cannot give an account of a freedom worth sacrificing, even dying, for.\u201d Absent such patriotism, we will end up in the state of appeasement that Weigel documents in his essay \u201cIs Europe Dying?,\u201d a brilliant survey of a culture that can no longer reproduce itself or act against Islam\u2019s \u201caggressive anti-humanism fueled by a distorted theism.\u201d<\/p>\n
Three Weigel essays explore how best to conduct the war against jihadism in the context of the \u201cjust war\u201d tradition in Christian theology, which he describes as \u201ca sustained and disciplined intellectual attempt to relate the morally legitimate use of proportionate and discriminate military force to morally worthy political ends.\u201d Contrary to what we have heard from many Christian leaders, the just war tradition does not begin with a \u201cpresumption against war.\u201d Instead, the tradition begins \u201cby defining the moral responsibilities of governments, continues with the definition of morally appropriate political ends, and only then takes up the question of means.\u201d In other words, war can be a moral instrument, one amenable to rational discussion and \u201csubject to moral scrutiny.\u201d And that scrutiny reveals that one should start with the\u00a0ius ad bellum<\/i>\u00a0\u2014 the reasons for going to war \u2014 and then proceed to the\u00a0ius in bello<\/i>, which addresses issues of proportionality and discrimination. To reverse the order of questions \u2014 as do many pacifists \u2014 is to build\u00a0a priori<\/i>\u00a0obstacles to just war, which can in turn have dangerous consequences for \u201cthe legitimate sovereign\u2019s moral obligation to defend and promote right order.\u201d<\/p>\n
In two essays, Weigel applies this proper understanding of the just war tradition to the war in Iraq. He concludes that, on the terms of this tradition, the war is indeed just, no matter what errors in strategy and tactics have been committed. Along the way, he gives a concise and informative justification for the war, answering the cavils of those who continue to argue that it was unjust or unnecessary. The three just war requirements \u2014 \u201ccompetent authority, just cause, and last resort\u201d \u2014 were met, he argues, in the decision to invade. Weigel dismantles the notion that the United Nations, rather than the United States, was the only \u201ccompetent authority\u201d for deciding on the rectitude of the war by documenting that institution\u2019s sorry record of corruption and incompetence. He also points out that the U.N. is not a sovereign body but a collection of sovereign states \u2014 a body that has no monopoly on legitimate force, and in fact possesses little credible force at all. Weigel\u2019s catalog of Saddam Hussein\u2019s crimes, lies, and duplicity in the 12 years after the Gulf War should leave no doubt that the U.S. had \u201cjust cause.\u201d Finally, the public-relations nightmare of 12 years of sanctions that enriched Hussein as they increased the suffering of the Iraqi people; the relentless efforts of China, France, and Russia to dismantle the sanctions altogether; and the failure of U.N. weapons inspectors to determine definitively whether or not Hussein possessed WMDs, all left war as the \u201clast resort.\u201d Whatever one\u2019s opinion about the conduct of the war, Weigel makes clear that it is justifiable by the criteria of the just war tradition.<\/p>\n
Weigel\u2019s learned, clearly written, and tightly argued essays stand as the best evidence for his claim that the Christian tradition is indispensable for any serious discussion of the challenges facing our country. In contrast to the materialist determinism or secularist scientism dominating our public discourse, Weigel himself exemplifies what he describes as the \u201cChristian realist sensibility \u2014 an understanding of the inevitable irony, pathos, and tragedy of history; alertness to unintended consequences; a robust skepticism about schemes of human perfection (especially when politics is the instrument of salvation); [and] cherishing democracy without worshipping it.\u201d These habits of mind will be sorely needed in the coming years.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n
\n
\u00a92008 Bruce S. Thornton<\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
George Weigel gives Christian answers to the West’s most pressing questions. by Bruce S. Thornton City Journal A review of\u00a0Against the Grain: Christianity and Democracy, War and Peace, by George Weigel (Crossroad, 2008, 352 pp.)<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"footnotes":"","jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_is_tweetstorm":false,"jetpack_publicize_feature_enabled":true,"jetpack_social_post_already_shared":false,"jetpack_social_options":{"image_generator_settings":{"template":"highway","enabled":false}}},"categories":[87,22,744],"tags":[],"jetpack_publicize_connections":[],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"jetpack_shortlink":"https:\/\/wp.me\/p466Sb-Sy","jetpack_likes_enabled":true,"jetpack-related-posts":[{"id":1306,"url":"https:\/\/victorhanson.com\/wordpress\/what-does-romney-really-think-about-vietnam\/","url_meta":{"origin":3382,"position":0},"title":"What Does Romney Really Think About Vietnam?","author":"victorhanson","date":"December 23, 2011","format":false,"excerpt":"by Bruce S. Thornton FrontPage Magazine Mitt Romney recently said\u00a0something\u00a0on\u00a0Fox News Sunday\u00a0that raises questions about his understanding of history and its pertinence for foreign policy. In the course of talking about the war in Iraq and the \u201clessons learned\u201d from that conflict and its \u201cerrors,\u201d Romney responded to a question\u2026","rel":"","context":"In "Bruce S. Thornton"","block_context":{"text":"Bruce S. Thornton","link":"https:\/\/victorhanson.com\/wordpress\/ahref=\/index.php\/categories\/angry-reader\/categorylink\/a\/our-contributors\/bruce-s-thornton\/"},"img":{"alt_text":"","src":"","width":0,"height":0},"classes":[]},{"id":2545,"url":"https:\/\/victorhanson.com\/wordpress\/obamas-libya-venture-and-double-standards\/","url_meta":{"origin":3382,"position":1},"title":"Obama’s Libya Venture and Double Standards","author":"victorhanson","date":"July 10, 2011","format":false,"excerpt":"by Bruce S. Thornton FrontPage Magazine The champion of shameless chutzpah has always been the guy who murders his parents then throws himself on the mercy of the court because he\u2019s an orphan. But White House spokesman Jay Carney might be the new champ, given his response to the House\u2026","rel":"","context":"In "Libya"","block_context":{"text":"Libya","link":"https:\/\/victorhanson.com\/wordpress\/ahref=\/index.php\/categories\/angry-reader\/categorylink\/a\/the-world\/the-middle-east\/libya\/"},"img":{"alt_text":"","src":"","width":0,"height":0},"classes":[]},{"id":5320,"url":"https:\/\/victorhanson.com\/wordpress\/four-months-in-vietnam\/","url_meta":{"origin":3382,"position":2},"title":"Four Months in Vietnam","author":"victorhanson","date":"August 27, 2004","format":false,"excerpt":"Or how to misdirect public attention. by Bruce S. Thornton Private Papers Everyone knows magicians use misdirection to make their illusions work. While one hand distracts us the other is pulling the egg or coin from its hiding place. Politics is no different, as the Kerry campaign and its shills\u2026","rel":"","context":"In "Bruce S. Thornton"","block_context":{"text":"Bruce S. Thornton","link":"https:\/\/victorhanson.com\/wordpress\/ahref=\/index.php\/categories\/angry-reader\/categorylink\/a\/our-contributors\/bruce-s-thornton\/"},"img":{"alt_text":"","src":"","width":0,"height":0},"classes":[]},{"id":5159,"url":"https:\/\/victorhanson.com\/wordpress\/sword-without-leniency\/","url_meta":{"origin":3382,"position":3},"title":"Sword Without Leniency","author":"victorhanson","date":"May 13, 2006","format":false,"excerpt":"The West must scuttle arrogant materialism and take jihadists at their word by Bruce S. Thornton Private Papers In 636 A.D., the caliph Umar gave these instructions to the commander he sent to Basra during the conquest of Iraq: \u201cSummon the people to God; those who respond to your call,\u2026","rel":"","context":"In "Bruce S. Thornton"","block_context":{"text":"Bruce S. Thornton","link":"https:\/\/victorhanson.com\/wordpress\/ahref=\/index.php\/categories\/angry-reader\/categorylink\/a\/our-contributors\/bruce-s-thornton\/"},"img":{"alt_text":"","src":"","width":0,"height":0},"classes":[]},{"id":2454,"url":"https:\/\/victorhanson.com\/wordpress\/time-for-a-foreign-policy-paradigm-shift\/","url_meta":{"origin":3382,"position":4},"title":"Time for a Foreign Policy Paradigm Shift","author":"victorhanson","date":"August 12, 2011","format":false,"excerpt":"by Bruce S. Thornton FrontPage Magazine The greatest danger in foreign policy is a reliance on worn out paradigms and unexamined assumptions. This received wisdom acts as a mental filter that ignores new developments and lets through only that information which fits the preordained narrative. For nearly forty years American\u2026","rel":"","context":"In "Bruce S. Thornton"","block_context":{"text":"Bruce S. Thornton","link":"https:\/\/victorhanson.com\/wordpress\/ahref=\/index.php\/categories\/angry-reader\/categorylink\/a\/our-contributors\/bruce-s-thornton\/"},"img":{"alt_text":"","src":"","width":0,"height":0},"classes":[]},{"id":868,"url":"https:\/\/victorhanson.com\/wordpress\/appeasement-bode-war-not-peace\/","url_meta":{"origin":3382,"position":5},"title":"Appeasement Bode War Not Peace","author":"victorhanson","date":"April 3, 2012","format":false,"excerpt":"by Terry Scambray New Oxford Review A review of\u00a0The Wages of Appeasement: Ancient Athens, Munich, and Obama's America\u00a0by Bruce S. Thornton. 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